Abstract
Despite the close integration of the Canadian and U.S. economies, the labor productivity gap—GDP per hour of work—between the two countries has widened over the past two decades. In a recently published IMF Country Report on Canada, Roberto Cardarelli of the IMF’s Western Hemisphere Department explores the extent to which this gap reflects differences in the industrial structure of the two countries; Christine Ebrahim-zadeh of the IMF Survey spoke with him.
IMF Survey: How has the Canadian economy fared relative to that of the United States in recent years? Why the special interest in the labor productivity gap?
Although the Canadian economy has been reaping the benefits of structural reforms implemented during the 1990s, one area where the gap with the United States has widened rather than narrowed has been labor productivity growth. Canadian labor productivity grew by an average annual 0.3 percentage point less than in the United States from 1981 to 2000, but the gap widened to an average 0.5 percentage point in the post-1995 period. This has attracted a lot of attention in academic and policy circles.
IMF Survey: Given that the gap in per capita income between the two countries has been narrowing since the mid-1990s, why does the labor productivity gap matter?
There are two ways to raise GDP per capita. One is by increasing productivity—GDP per worker. The other is by increasing the share of the population that is working—that is, the employment-to-population ratio. The narrowing of the gap in GDP per capita was entirely due to this second channel because the share of employed people has increased sharply in Canada since 1997 and is now above the U.S. level. While labor productivity growth has also accelerated since 1997, it has remained below the exceptional U.S. pace (on average about 1 percentage point of difference between the two countries for the business sector), and the gap has increased. Given that it is hard to envisage any significant further increase in the employment ratio in future decades—and that it actually may decline because of the aging population—narrowing the labor productivity gap is the only way Canada can increase its standard of living and possibly catch up with the United States.


The gap in per capita income between Canada and the United States has narrowed but the labor productivity gap has widened
(United States = 100)
Citation: IMF Survey 33, 009; 10.5089/9781451932607.023.A004
Note: Labor productivity=GDP in millions of 1999 US dollars (converted at EKS PPPs) per hour worked. Labor utilization=hours worked per person.Data: OECD
The gap in per capita income between Canada and the United States has narrowed but the labor productivity gap has widened
(United States = 100)
Citation: IMF Survey 33, 009; 10.5089/9781451932607.023.A004
Note: Labor productivity=GDP in millions of 1999 US dollars (converted at EKS PPPs) per hour worked. Labor utilization=hours worked per person.Data: OECDThe gap in per capita income between Canada and the United States has narrowed but the labor productivity gap has widened
(United States = 100)
Citation: IMF Survey 33, 009; 10.5089/9781451932607.023.A004
Note: Labor productivity=GDP in millions of 1999 US dollars (converted at EKS PPPs) per hour worked. Labor utilization=hours worked per person.Data: OECDIMF Survey: What explains the variation in labor productivity?
But there is more to it than that. Looking at industry data, I found that it is the difference in industrial structure that explains most of the productivity growth gap over the second half of the 1990s. In the post-1995 period, the labor productivity gap between the two countries widened not only in the ICT-producing sector but also in sectors that use ICT capital intensively. Canada’s manufacturing industries that do not produce ICT, such as transportation equipment, appear to have performed well, if not better than their U.S. counterparts. However, a gap emerged in sectors that most intensively use new technologies, most notably the trade, finance, insurance, and real estate sectors, which account for a much larger share of the U.S. economy. This does not imply that the manufacturing sector, in particular the ICT-producing industries, has not contributed to the gap, but it has done so no more than in the previous period.
In other words, rather than having become less productive than the United States, Canada has been less successful in directing resources toward high-productivity sectors, in particular in the service industry.
IMF Survey: Why has the contribution from capital accumulation in ICT in Canada been more muted than in the United States?
There is, however, another—albeit partial—explanation. The more muted contribution of ICT capital accumulation to productivity growth in Canada may reflect the fact that Canadian firms started investing in ICT later than their U.S. counterparts. Recent research has shown that the payoff from ICT investments in terms of measured output can be delayed considerably, given the time and resources required to reorganize production after investing in ICT capital. Our report provides evidence of relatively longer lags (around 10 years) between ICT capital accumulation and total factor productivity growth in Canada, suggesting that Canadian firms might benefit more from ICT investment in the near future.
IMF Survey: In recent years, trade linkages between the two countries have deepened. Has this had any impact on the gap in labor productivity growth or in narrowing the gap in per capita income?
IMF Survey: How can Canada best close the gap?
While the government has already taken important steps in this direction over the past 10 years, further action could be taken in three main areas: the financial sector (by achieving greater harmonization of securities market regulation and legislation across provinces); the labor market (by reducing the distortionary subsidization across industries and regions involved in the Employment Insurance Program); and the trade sector (while Canada’s trade system remains among the most open and transparent in the world, there are regulatory barriers to foreign direct investment, especially in some areas such as communications. Further lowering barriers to inter-provincial trade would also help).
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