Fintech and Financial Inclusion in Latin America and the Caribbean
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Mr. Dmitry Gershenson
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Frederic Lambert
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Luis Herrera
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Grey Ramos
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Mrs. Marina V Rousset
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Mr. Jose L. Torres https://isni.org/isni/0000000404811396 International Monetary Fund

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Despite some improvement since 2011, Latin America and the Caribbean continue to lag behind other regions in terms of financial inclusion. There is no clear evidence that fintech developments have supported greater financial inclusion in LAC, contrary to what has been observed elsewhere in the world. Case studies by national policy experts suggest that barriers to entry in the financial sector, along with a constraining regulatory environment, may have hindered a faster adoption of fintech. However, fintech development seems to have accelerated in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic and with the support of recent policy initiatives.

Abstract

Despite some improvement since 2011, Latin America and the Caribbean continue to lag behind other regions in terms of financial inclusion. There is no clear evidence that fintech developments have supported greater financial inclusion in LAC, contrary to what has been observed elsewhere in the world. Case studies by national policy experts suggest that barriers to entry in the financial sector, along with a constraining regulatory environment, may have hindered a faster adoption of fintech. However, fintech development seems to have accelerated in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic and with the support of recent policy initiatives.

I. Introduction

Challenges to financial inclusion in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) as well as policy prescriptions to enhance financial inclusion in region have become a focus of inquiry in recent years.2 The literature finds that even though the degree of financial inclusion in LAC is mostly in line with fundamentals, there remain important gaps and cross-country variations, especially with respect to financial inclusion of households (Dabla-Norris et. al. 2015a and Martínez Pería 2014). Insufficient financial inclusion is generally attributed to institutional weaknesses, low levels of bank competition resulting in high cost of financial services, inadequate infrastructure, and an excessively restrictive regulatory environment (Dabla-Norris et. al. 2015b, Fishbane 2014, and Rojas-Suárez 2016).

The rapid expansion of fintech activities is widely viewed as having the potential to alleviate financial frictions and improve financial inclusion.3 This may happen by lowering the cost barrier for accessing financial services—especially severe in remote rural locations and for marginalized groups such as the urban poor—and by alleviating information asymmetries between service providers and consumers, especially acute for those unbanked (IMF 2019 and Berkmen et. al. 2019).4 For example, “mobile money and mobile banking have emerged as powerful enablers of financial inclusion” in Asia-Pacific (Loukoianova and Yang 2018) and in Africa (IMF 2019). Focusing on LAC, Cantú and Ulloa (2020) argue that fintech has a clear potential to make a difference, but—owing to the relatively small footprint and lack of data—observing its impact on financial inclusion may be a challenge.

The opportunities created by fintech also come with new challenges to financial inclusion. Certain groups may be excluded due to a lack of access to smartphones and a lack of affordable internet data-plans, and due to discrimination stemming from “arms-length” analytical decision-making tools (IMF 2019).5 More generally, Frost (2020) notes that while fintech has the potential to improve financial inclusion, especially in the developing countries, “fintech activities will remain subject to the same well-known market failures present in other areas of finance, including information asymmetries and adverse selection in lending; liquidity mismatches with deposits; systemic importance and moral hazard with large intermediaries; and various forms of interconnectedness in the financial system.” This implies that the potential benefits from fintech may not materialize at the same pace and to the same extent in all parts of the world and may not fully circumvent the constraints that limit traditional finance.

Inspired by these observations, this paper analyzes whether fintech can help minimize financial inclusion gaps in LAC and how governments can leverage fintech development to foster financial inclusion. To this end, the paper documents the changes in financial inclusion in LAC since 2014, including new forms of financial inclusion driven by the development of fintech (Section II), investigates whether the emergence of fintech has implied changes in the determinants of financial inclusion (Section III), and, uses case studies to investigate the role of the regulatory environment in leveraging fintech for financial inclusion (Section IV). Throughout the analysis, the paper also considers the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on financial inclusion directly but also indirectly on the potential development of fintech applications that could in turn support financial inclusion.6

II. Stylized Facts

This section examines the progress of financial inclusion across LAC since 2014. It argues that composite financial inclusion indices, even when updated to account for the rise of digital payments services, do not allow for a detailed analysis of recent trends, and fail to capture inequalities across demographic categories (e.g, poor, uneducated, and young households). Looking at a wide range of financial inclusion indicators, it documents a persistent lag in financial inclusion in LAC compared to the rest of the world, along with significant within-region and within-country heterogeneity. It also finds mixed evidence of a positive effect of fintech on financial inclusion in the region.

A. Financial inclusion of households has stalled in LAC since 2014

There are numerous indicators of financial inclusion and part of the empirical literature has aimed at developing multi-dimensional indices to aggregate the various facets of financial inclusion (see for instance, Amidžić, Massara and Mialou, 2014; Camara and Tuesta, 2014; Dabla-Norris et al. 2015a; Sahay et al. 2020). In a paper focusing on Latin America, Dabla-Norris et al. (2015a) compute three sub-indices capturing three dimensions of financial inclusion: (i) usage of financial services by households; (ii) usage of financial services by SMEs; and (iii) access to financial institutions. The first sub-index aggregates variables from the World Bank Global Findex Database; the second one is based on answers to the World Bank Enterprise Survey, while the third one uses data from the IMF Financial Access Survey (FAS). In the absence of new Enterprise Survey data, this paper focuses on the first and third sub-indices and updates them using the latest Findex and FAS vintages.7 The two sub-indices are then averaged to produce a single financial inclusion index.8 This index and the sub-index for use of financial services by households are represented in the left and right graphs respectively of Figure 1.

Figure 1.
Figure 1.

Household Financial Inclusion Since 2011

Citation: IMF Working Papers 2021, 221; 10.5089/9781513592237.001.A001

Note: AFR=Sub-Saharan Africa, APD= Asia and Pacific, EUR=Europe, LAC=Latin America and Caribbean, MCD= Middle East and Central Asia, NA=North America. Country samples do not change over time.Sources: Global Findex Database; Financial Access Survey; and authors’ calculations.

According to the above-defined index, financial inclusion of households has stalled since 2014 in Latin America. After strong progress between 2011 and 2014, the use of financial services by households plateaued out in 2017 in the region but improved in the rest of the world. This, combined with a reduction in financial access due to a reduction in the number of banking branches, led to a small drop in the overall financial inclusion index with LAC countries falling on average behind Middle Eastern and Central Asian countries in 2017.

However, those indices do not account for the growing role of digital payment services in financial inclusion and may therefore miss fintech-driven improvements. A recent paper by Sahay et al. (2020) proposes to complement “traditional” financial inclusion indices with a “digital” financial inclusion index which aims to measure the use of digital payment services through mobile money, mobile phone, and the internet. This index is computed for a sample of 52 emerging markets and low-income countries over 2014–2017, including 13 Latin-American and Caribbean countries.9 The results show that an improvement in financial inclusion in LAC between 2014 and 2017 was in part driven by an increase in the fintech-driven financial inclusion index (Figure 2). However, progress in fintech-driven financial inclusion was generally more limited in LAC countries than in other countries in the sample. The ranking of fintech-driven financial inclusion actually declined in 2017 compared to 2014 in all except one of the 13 LAC countries in the sample. Two LAC countries saw an increase in fintech-driven financial inclusion accompanied by a decline in traditional financial inclusion as measured by the levels of the respective indices. Thus, the evidence of a positive impact of fintech on financial inclusion in the region is mixed.

Figure 2.
Figure 2.

Traditional and Fintech-Driven Financial Inclusion

Citation: IMF Working Papers 2021, 221; 10.5089/9781513592237.001.A001

Source: Sahay et al. (2020).

Aggregate indices aim at summarizing multiple dimensions of financial inclusion into a single number. The values of those indices are however very sensitive to the movement of the underlying variables, the sample of countries considered, and to the aggregation method. To overcome these shortcomings, the analysis of this paper instead relies on 12 indicators of financial inclusion (from the Global Findex Database) that capture both traditional aspects of financial inclusion and fintech-related measures. We focus on the shares of adults (defined as individuals older than 15 years) having an account with a financial institution, saving or borrowing from a financial institution, holding a debit or a credit card, having used that debit or credit card in the past 12 months, having made or received a digital payment in the past 12 months, receiving wages or government payments on an account with a financial institution or a card, having used the internet to make a payment over the past 12 months, or having paid a utility bill with a mobile phone over the past 12 months. One should note that the last four variables only capture the digital payment dimension of fintech while leaving out other fintech activities such as crowdfunding, lending platforms, or the use of artificial intelligence and machine learning for financial activities. Moreover, the data do not distinguish among users those who have access only to digital financial services, financial institutions, or to both, which limits the analysis of the potential benefits of fintech-driven financial inclusion.

For all measures considered, the average for LAC countries lies below the world average in 2017 and is sometimes very close to the average for the least advanced region. Thus, the share of adults paying their utility bills with their mobile phones is lower in LAC than in any other region of the world (Figure 3). Progress since 2014 has been on average smaller in the LAC region than in other regions and unequal across measures (Figure 4). While the share of adults having a credit card has increased more in LAC than in other regions except North America, usage of both debit and credit cards—as well as the internet—to make payments, has declined between 2014 and 2017.

Figure 3.
Figure 3.

Measures of Financial Inclusion in 2017

Citation: IMF Working Papers 2021, 221; 10.5089/9781513592237.001.A001

Note: AFR=Sub-Saharan Africa, APD= Asia and Pacific, EUR=Europe, LAC=Latin America and Caribbean, MCD= Middle East and Central Asia, NA=North America, WRD=World.Source: Findex Global Database; Authors’ calculations.
Figure 4.
Figure 4.

Changes in Measures of Financial Inclusion between 2014 and 2017

Citation: IMF Working Papers 2021, 221; 10.5089/9781513592237.001.A001

Note: AFR=Sub-Saharan Africa, APD= Asia and Pacific, EUR=Europe, LAC=Latin America and Caribbean, MCD= Middle East and Central Asia, NA=North America, WRD=World.Source: Findex Global Database; Authors’ calculations.

B. There is substantial heterogeneity within the LAC region

The average for LAC countries masks significant country heterogeneity within the region. Figure 5 distinguishes between the Caribbean region, Central America, and South America, and shows the relative position of each country within each sub-region for all financial inclusion measures.10 Each sub-region includes countries where financial inclusion is relatively high and countries where it is still very low.

Figure 5.
Figure 5.

Cross-Country Heterogeneity within the LAC Region in 2017

Citation: IMF Working Papers 2021, 221; 10.5089/9781513592237.001.A001

Note: ARG=Argentina, BRA=Brazil, BOL=Bolivia, CA= Central America, CAR=Caribbean, CHL=Chile, COL=Colombia, CRI=Costa Rica, DOM= Dominican Republic, ECU=Ecuador, GTM=Guatemala, HND=Honduras, HTI=Haiti, MEX=Mexico, NIC=Nicaragua, PAN=Panama, PER=Peru, PRY=Paraguay, SA=South America, SLV= El Salvador, TTO=Trinidad and Tobago, URY=Uruguay, VEN=Venezuela.Source: Findex Global Database; Authors’ calculations.

In the Caribbean, Trinidad and Tobago is the country with the highest level of financial inclusion across all but one measure, while Haiti is the country where financial inclusion is the lowest. The fraction of people borrowing from a financial institution is the highest in the Dominican Republic and may reflect regulatory efforts to promote microcredit (see Appendix 2). In Central America, financial inclusion is much higher in Costa Rica than in any other country in that sub-region. In South America, Chile, Uruguay, and Venezuela are the three countries most frequently at the top of the list (although the indicators for Venezuela may have changed significantly since 2017), with Brazil having the largest share of adults receiving government payments into a financial account or a card. The latter likely reflects the success of Brazil’s cash transfer program Bolsa Familia, channeling monthly allowances to some 13.8 million families through debit cards in 2020. Uruguay is ahead in the share of adults having and using a credit card, a result that may be attributed to the incentive in the form of VAT reduction provided by the government for credit card payments.

Countries that perform well according to traditional measures of financial inclusion tend to also be ahead in terms of fintech-related financial inclusion. This observation challenges the idea that fintech services could substitute for traditional financial services and allow countries to catch up with more advanced peers in terms of financial inclusion. Paraguay is the only country in the entire LAC region where the share of fintech users (measured by the proportion of adults making/receiving digital payments) exceeds the proportion of traditional account holders.

C. Poor, young, and uneducated adults are more likely to be financially excluded

Looking at specific measures of financial inclusion, instead of aggregate indices, allows to analyze the dispersion across various population groups, depending on the age, the gender, the education level, the income level, or the location (rural or urban) of the respondents. Figure 6 shows how the proportion of adults with an account at a financial institution and who made or received digital payments in the past 12 months varies according to the characteristics of the respondents.

Figure 6.
Figure 6.

Heterogeneity Across Specific Groups of the Population in 2017

Citation: IMF Working Papers 2021, 221; 10.5089/9781513592237.001.A001

Note: AFR=Sub-Saharan Africa, APD= Asia and Pacific, EUR=Europe, LAC=Latin America and Caribbean, MCD= Middle East and Central Asia, NA=North America (excluding Mexico).Source: Findex Global Database; Authors’ calculations.

In general, the proportion of adults with an account at a financial institution or using digital payments is smaller for poor, young and less educated adults in all regions of the world. However, the gap between poor adults and the overall population is larger in LAC than in other regions,11 suggesting a greater role of income as a determinant of financial inclusion in the region. Similarly, young households are less likely to have an account or use digital payments in all LAC countries, except Chile and Costa Rica.

The link between education and financial inclusion in LAC is not unambiguous. On the one hand, in LAC—like in most other regions—the gap between the less educated adults12 and the overall population is larger for the use of digital payments than for the ownership of an account. That is an intuitive result, because the use of fintech requires minimal tech literacy in addition to some financial literacy. On the other hand, in most LAC countries adults with low education are the demographic group that experienced the largest increase in financial inclusion between 2014 and 2017 (Figure 6, bottom graphs).

While both women and rural adults tend to have lower levels of financial inclusion than the average population, the gap is relatively small. In Argentina, women are actually more likely to have an account or use digital payments than men, while the proportions of men and women having an account are the same in Bolivia. The gap between rural and urban households is on average larger for the use of digital payments than for access to an account at a financial institution, suggesting that access to technology is likely as relevant an obstacle to financial inclusion as is physical distance from bank branches or other financial institutions. Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, Peru, and Mexico, the five largest countries by land area in the region, all record a larger urban-rural gap for fintech-related measures of financial inclusion than for traditional ones which could be a reflection of the critical role of government-owned banks in rural areas in these countries.

Regional and Gender Differences in Financial Inclusion in Mexico

This box documents significant regional differences in the use of financial services in Mexico using the results of the 2018 National Inclusion Survey (INEGI, 2018). It illustrates the strong correlation between income and financial inclusion at the micro-level as well as gender differences in financial inclusion depending on the size of urban areas.

Microdata from Mexico’s National Inclusion Survey (ENIF) allow to compare financial inclusion measures across 6 regions. The share of households using at least one type of financial product (savings account, credit, insurance, or retirement account) varies from 60 percent in the south to 82 percent in the north of the country. The picture is similar for each type of financial product. This north-south financial inclusion divide closely mimics the income gap, with higher income on average in the northern states and lower income in the south (see maps below).

uA001fig01

Population with at least one financial product

Citation: IMF Working Papers 2021, 221; 10.5089/9781513592237.001.A001

Sources: INEGI, ENIF 2018; authors’ calculations.
uA001fig02

Average household income (2018)

Citation: IMF Working Papers 2021, 221; 10.5089/9781513592237.001.A001

Sources: INEGI, ENIGH 2018; authors’ calculations.

ENIF data also allow to compare large urban areas to smaller ones. They show that financial inclusion is on average higher in larger urban areas, although the results differ depending on gender. Women are indeed more likely than men to have at least one financial product in smaller cities, while the opposite is true in larger cities.

Among the adults having at least one financial product, women are more likely than men to hold a savings account, while a larger share of men uses credit, insurance, or a retirement account, the latter reflecting the larger share of formal employment among men.

Use of Financial Services by Gender and Size of Urban Area in Mexico

article image
Source: INEGI, Encuesta Nacional de Inclusión Financiera (ENIF) 2018.

III. Determinants of Financial Inclusion

We now turn to the question of the determinants of financial inclusion and whether those have changed with the development of fintech. We find evidence of a significant negative fixed effect for LAC countries across all financial inclusion measures, traditional and fintech-related, even after controlling for the usual drivers of financial inclusion. The magnitude of this fixed effect has not substantially changed between 2014 and 2017.

A. In terms of drivers of financial inclusion, LAC does not differ substantially from the world average

The usual determinants of financial inclusion considered in the literature (e.g., Martínez Pería, 2014; Dabla-Noris et al. 2015a; Rojas-Suárez, 2016) include:

Income per capita and income inequality. Richer countries tend to have higher levels of financial inclusion. First, because they typically have better financial and telecommunication infrastructures. But, more importantly, because high income also increases the demand for financial products, including by relaxing credit constraints. Surveys investigating the reasons for the lack of use of financial services by households often highlight that low income and self-exclusion play a larger role than supply-side considerations, such as high fees and stringent documentation requirements (Martínez Pería, 2014). While the lack of financial inclusion is often considered an important driver of persistent economic inequality, Claessens and Perotti (2007) argue that inequality affects financial access, “because unequal access to resources affects de facto political power” and “especially in a weak institutional framework (…), inequality makes it easy for established interests to influence access to finance by direct control or regulatory capture of the financial system.” At the same time, more financial inclusion and access to credit may positively affect both per capita income and inequality by providing financing for investment by individual entrepreneurs and helping households insure against adverse income shocks, so the relationship between financial inclusion and income goes both ways.

Education. Better education accompanied by greater financial literacy can obviously affect the use of financial services directly, and indirectly through its impact on future income. In the regressions that follow, the level of education is proxied by the enrollment rate.

Structure of the financial sector and costs of financial services. Supply-side barriers to financial inclusion can be monetary (fees, high lending rates) or non-monetary (such as the distance from financial institutions, documentation requirements to open an account or to apply for credit). The structure of the financial sector, and in particular measures of the concentration of the banking sector, are often used as proxy for monetary barriers. The ratio of overhead costs to assets captures the efficiency of the banking sector and its ability to reduce the cost of financial services. However, there is the possibility that more efficient banks are also less willing to cater to harder-to-reach or riskier customers, implying a negative relationship between banking sector efficiency and financial inclusion.

Availability of financial services. Non-monetary barriers are captured by the number of ATMs per 100,000 adults. The more ATMs, the more useful a debit card would be for cash withdrawal. The complementarity between ATMs and debit cards however also suggests the possibility of a reverse relationship, in which greater financial inclusion would lead to the installation of more ATMs.

Access to internet and cellular network coverage. With the development of fintech and digital accounts, access to internet and cellular network coverage are more likely to affect people’s ability to access and use financial services.

Rule of law. The quality of institutions and the ability to enforce contracts are commonly considered as important determinants of financial development. Strong institutions and contract enforcement rules contribute to public trust and may encourage depositors to entrust their savings to financial institutions and banks to lend to more people against collateral.

Annex 1 provides a detailed description of the variables used and the data sources.

For all the variables considered, LAC countries do not differ much from the world average, with the exception of the Gini index and the bank overhead cost-to-total assets ratio, both of which are higher in LAC than in all other regions (Figure 7).

Figure 7.
Figure 7.

Drivers of Financial Inclusion

Citation: IMF Working Papers 2021, 221; 10.5089/9781513592237.001.A001

Note: AFR=Sub-Saharan Africa, APD= Asia and Pacific, EUR=Europe, LAC=Latin America and Caribbean, MCD= Middle East and Central Asia, NA=North America, WRD=World average. For comparison purposes, the variables were normalized so that the country with the highest value=100 and the country with the lowest value=0.Source: WDI; UNESCO; FinStats; ITU; WGI; FAS Database; Authors’ calculations.

B. Econometric analysis

We regress the various measures of financial inclusion (discussed in Section II) on the above drivers of financial inclusion. In addition, we include regional dummy variables. The preceding discussion underscored the possibility of reverse causality and the potential endogeneity of some regressors. To alleviate endogeneity concerns, the relevant explanatory variables are lagged by three years (corresponding to the period between two Findex surveys). Nevertheless, the results below should be interpreted with caution.

Most coefficients have the expected sign (Table 1, next page). Per capita income is positively and significantly associated with most financial inclusion measures, while the relationship between financial inclusion and income inequality measured by the Gini coefficient is negative. This negative coefficient may not bode well for financial inclusion in the near future, if we assume the COVID-19 pandemic will magnify income inequalities, as is commonly thought. School enrollment is positively associated with most measures of financial inclusion, as are the number of ATMs per 100,000 adults and the rule of law, confirming results already reported in the literature. The results for the structure of the banking sector and the cost of financial services are less clear and less intuitive, with the coefficient on bank concentration sometimes positive and significant. Interestingly, the variable used to measure internet access has a positive and significant effect both on fintech-related measures of financial inclusion13 and on the more traditional measure of the share of people having a financial account. Mobile coverage does not seem to influence any measure of financial inclusion.

Table 1.

Determinants of Financial Inclusion

article image
Standard errors in parentheses *** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1

Separate regressions for the years 2014 and 2017 (results not reported) yield broadly similar results. This suggests that the determinants of financial inclusion identified here have not changed between those two years.

Additional regressions show a strong correlation between traditional financial inclusion measures and some fintech-related measures such as the proportion of users of digital payments (Table 2). Although this result could reflect that both traditional and fintech financial inclusion measures are simultaneously driven by common (unidentified) external indicators (such as trust in institutions), we believe it can also be interpreted as evidence of a strong complementarity between traditional and fintech-related forms of financial inclusion, which potentially questions the idea that fintech may bring more financial inclusion outside traditional financial channels. Instead, fintech may simply allow banks to provide more services to their existing customers.

Table 2.

Relationship between Traditional Financial Inclusion and Fintech-Related Measures

article image
Standard errors in parentheses *** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1

In all regressions, the consistently negative and significant coefficient on the LAC dummy is striking. It captures the low level of financial inclusion in the region even after controlling for the usual drivers. We conjecture this negative LAC fixed effect may be due to either institutional features of the financial sector in the region that are not captured by the simple bank concentration variable included in the regression, or the role played by regulation and financial policies. This in turn may also be part of the reason of why fintech activities have not been more widely adopted in the region. This occurs because for example, a few large players in the financial industry in LAC countries, whose cost of capital is lower than for new entrants, are able to purchase fintech firms and prevent the emergence of fintech services that could serve unbanked customers outside the traditional financial sector. Alternatively, the strict financial regulations that were put in place in many LAC countries following banking and financial crises in the 1990s and early 2000s may hinder the adoption of fintech tools to promote financial inclusion. We investigate these hypotheses in the next section by way of case studies.

IV. Financial Inclusion and Fintech Strategies- Case Studies

This section summarizes the main lessons from six case studies conducted with the help of regulators, central banks, and other policy experts involved in financial inclusion and fintech in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, the Dominican Republic, Honduras, and Mexico. Panama’s Superintendency of Banks also provided helpful inputs about regulatory initiatives in Panama. Appendix 2 includes the full case studies as provided by country experts.

While there has been a lot of discussion about financial inclusion in the past decade, formal financial inclusion strategies are still fairly recent. Except for Brazil which adopted its financial inclusion strategy as early as 2011, other countries adopted theirs later: Honduras in 2015, Colombia and Mexico in 2016, and the Dominican Republic in 2018. Chile set up a Financial Inclusion Unit in 2011 but adopted its first Financial Education Strategy only in 2016. Argentina approved a new strategy of financial inclusion in 2020.

Fintech strategies are, understandably, even more recent when they exist at all. Again, Brazil was a forerunner, adopting a law on payment institutions including electronic money issuers in 2013. Mexico passed a fintech law in 2018 to regulate financial technology institutions (crowdfunding and e-money institutions). Other countries have stepped up their efforts in recent years. In Colombia, a Fintech subcommittee follows fintech-related issues as part of the implementation of the 2016 National Financial Inclusion Strategy, and the Financial Superintendency has put in place a regulatory sandbox to allow fintech firms to test new products and services with a limited number of customers (an approach also followed by Brazil and Mexico). In general, the authorities are working on progressively regulating the various activities of fintech firms (digital deposits and digital payments, crowdfunding, peer-to-peer credit, robo-advisory), trying to facilitate the development of fintech firms while safeguarding financial stability (see Cantú and Ulloa, 2020, for a more detailed analysis of fintech regulatory frameworks in LAC).

All countries explicitly recognize the large potential role that fintech innovations can play to boost financial inclusion, and most have taken measures to facilitate or encourage the use of fintech products. Specific initiatives aimed at improving financial inclusion include the relaxation of the requirements for opening a financial account, including a digital one, under specific thresholds for deposits or transactions (Colombia, Panama) or for certain categories of people (e.g., accounts for minors in Mexico). In Colombia, SEDPEs (Sociedades Especializadas en Depósitos y Pagos Electrónico) created by a 2014 law, are exempted from some KYC requirements, such as verifying customers’ economic activity and income. In Chile, the state-owned bank, Banco del Estado, created the debit card CuentaRut in 2006, which requires only a valid government ID for opening, and prefigured the implementation of simplified bank accounts. In 2014, Brazil created “payment accounts”, which do not require physical branch service, cannot be used to get a loan, but can offer cards and be used to make or receive transfers, and are usually free. Account balances must be invested by the account provider into federal bonds or central bank reserves. Legislations on open banking, aimed at facilitating information sharing among financial institutions, have been implemented or are currently under discussion in Brazil, Chile, Colombia, and Honduras, and are expected to reduce transaction costs.

Policy experts are also keen to highlight countries’ initiatives to modernize payment systems and facilitate mobile payments. At end-2019, the Bank of Mexico set up the CoDi (Cobro Digital) platform to facilitate electronic payments and transfers. In Colombia, the real-time transfer system TransfiYa, which allows to send or receive money with a mobile phone number, emerged from a private arrangement between fintech firms Minka and ACH Colombia, and has been expanding rapidly since the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic. The Superintendency of Banks in Panama is developing a new legal framework to regulate the payment system and to facilitate the operations of fintech firms through clear licensing and payment compensation rules, while safeguarding the integrity and transparency of the system.

A few measures have also been taken to increase access to credit. Several countries have modernized their legislation on secured transactions (Dominican Republic, Colombia) to expand the range of acceptable collateral and increase access to credit. In 2018, Brazil passed legislation to allow the issuance of digital invoices that can be used as collateral by firms to get a loan, and in 2020, created “segregated rural properties,” which can be easily transferred to creditors in case of default and are expected to support rural producers’ access to credit. Colombia raised the thresholds for low-value consumer loans, which are targeted at households with no previous access to formal financing, to up to four times the minimum wage, and allowed for transactions to be conducted electronically. The use of credit registries has also been expanded, with Brazil shifting from an “opt-in” to an “opt-out” regime where borrowers must explicitly refuse the recording of their loan or credit information in the registry. On the supply side, several countries have introduced regulations on crowdfunding (Colombia, Mexico) and peer-to-peer lending (Brazil).

Several countries used their response to the Covid-19 pandemic to promote fintech solutions with the goal to increase financial inclusion. Among those, Colombia implemented Ingreso Solidario, a new cash transfer program targeted at vulnerable households not previously covered by the social safety net and deployed through digital accounts and mobile wallets. Honduras distributed electronic cash vouchers to more than 70,000 households via mobile phones. Brazil allowed direct credit companies (SCD) to issue credit cards and on-lend resources from the Brazilian National Development Bank (BNDES). Mexico and Argentina preferred to rely on the traditional banking sector to ensure the safe distribution of cash transfers. Nevertheless, most policy experts acknowledge the pandemic provided an opportunity to promote electronic payments and reduce the use of cash, and some reported an increase in fintech activity, especially for providers of digital transfers.

While financial inclusion has improved, it is difficult to ascribe the gains to specific policy actions. As suggested in Section II.B, one can attribute the high share of people receiving government transfers on a financial account or a debit card in Brazil to the success of its Bolsa Familia program. However, other incentives such as tax refunds for payments by debit or credit card, which were put in place in 2011 in Honduras, do not seem to have translated into a higher use of either debit or credit cards. Many initiatives are also too recent to have their effects reflected in the latest Findex data.

Policy experts highlight several remaining obstacles to financial inclusion in their respective countries. The small market size and limited possibilities for economies of scale can reduce incentives for innovation and fintech development (Chile, Dominican Republic). Low levels of financial literacy and limitations in digital skills, and insufficient mobile and internet coverage are other commonly cited hurdles, which authorities are addressing by developing financial education programs (Colombia, Dominican Republic, Honduras, Mexico) and by investing in improving mobile and internet access (e.g., the creation of “ digital zones” with free internet access in Colombia). In Chile, the case study highlighted the existence of entry costs created by a concentrated incumbent sector, and the difficulty for fintech firms to access capital financing. The issue may be magnified by a restrictive legal and regulatory framework imposing barriers to innovation and competition in the financial sector (Honduras).

Country authorities are addressing regulatory rigidities and burdensome supervisory processes by setting up regulatory sandboxes and creating specific units to guide fintech firms through the regulatory and supervisory framework. This is notably the case in Colombia with the implementation of the eHub and Regtech initiatives by the Financial Superintendency. The Central Bank of Argentina set up a “financial innovation roundtable” to foster innovation and provide a discussion forum between the regulator and players in the financial ecosystem. Regulators are also authorizing new types of actors to compete with traditional banks, under strict rules to limit any financial stability risk. For instance, Brazil created Direct Credit Companies (SCD) in 2018, which can provide loans through electronic platforms using their own capital (they cannot raise deposits), and Simple Credit Enterprises (ESC) in 2019, which can grant loans and purchase receivables from micro and small enterprises also with their own capital only. These examples therefore provide support to both hypotheses outlined in the previous section about the reasons for the significant lag of financial inclusion in LAC countries compared with the rest of the world and illustrate how country authorities are working to address them.

The main risks from fintech identified by the case studies are related to cybersecurity, AML/CFT, and privacy. Interestingly, none of the case studies emphasized financial stability concerns as a risk. While potentially a sign of confidence of regulators in the strength of their regulatory frameworks (the regulatory sandbox approach being a way to identify potential risks before innovations are rolled out at a large scale), this calls for cautious monitoring of future fintech developments and their possible effects on the financial sector.

The Plan for the Financial Inclusion of Women in Honduras

Background. Honduras faces the highest level of economic inequality in Latin America and one of the most unequal distributions of income and resources in the world, for men and women a like. Global indicators show that gender gaps in Honduras are the narrowest in health and education, substantial in economic life, and the widest in political life (WAGE, 2019). The literacy rate is almost identical for women and men, but the female share of graduates in science, mathematics, engineering, manufacturing, and construction at the tertiary level is at a mere 8.6 percent. Women in Honduras are more likely to have informal jobs than men (77.3 percent vs. 71.1 percent) and more likely to be financially excluded. 41 percent of women over the age of 15 hold an account at financial institutions or with mobile money-service providers, compared to 50 percent of men, below the average for LAC countries (45 percent).

Recognizing that facilitating women’s access to financial products and services would allow them to expand their professional, personal and family development thus contributing to the productive capacity of the economy, the Honduran government devised a strategy to close the gender gap in its financial system by strengthening and reorienting the functions of financial supervision, surveillance, and analysis to include a gender perspective14.

In February 2019, the National Banking and Insurance Commission (CNBS) of Honduras began implementing the Plan for the Financial Inclusion of Women, coordinated by a special Committee with technical assistance of a Canadian consulting company. The Plan aims to enhance the regulatory supervisory capacities of the CNBS to effectively improve the financial inclusion of Honduran women.

The plan has three stages:

  1. Collection and reporting of quality information to identify gender gaps in deposits, credits and insurance, and in access to SME loans by women entrepreneurs.

  2. Analysis of the collected information to quantify the impact of the financial inclusion of women on financial stability and market integrity, identify losses to national productivity resulting from limited access to financing by women, and identify missed business opportunities resulting from women’s limited access to financial products.

  3. Use of this information for the design of policy interventions, the evaluation of the impact of policies and regulatory interventions on women’s access to and use of financial services, and an analysis of the quality of women’s financial inclusion – including factors such as affordability, financial literacy, convenience and product choice.

In 2020, the Committee reported that the greatest challenge for the implementation of the Plan was the collection of data disaggregated by sex requested from the supervised entities (banks, the insurance and cooperatives sectors) and requested that gender data be collected by the statistical information systems of the supervised entities of CNBS. However, public awareness of the legal framework appears to be low, representing a likely challenge at the policy intervention stage.

In the context of the pandemic, the government is analyzing the impact of the COVID-19 shock on the activities of small entrepreneurs, disaggregated by gender, to assist the targeting mechanisms of the social support schemes. In 2021, regulatory intervention pilot programs a re scheduled to take place and the amended National Financial Inclusion Strategy is expected to be launched based on the Committee’s recommendations, along with specific targets for financial education and capacity development.

V. Conclusion

Despite some improvement since 2011, the degree of financial inclusion in Latin America and the Caribbean remains lower than in other regions. Countries in the region have not yet benefited from fintech developments to boost financial inclusion, and both traditional and fintech-driven measures of financial inclusion show room for improvement.

There is a large heterogeneity among LAC countries, with a few countries faring much better than the regional and the world averages. However, poor, young, and uneducated adults are everywhere more likely to be financially excluded, compared with other population groups.

Income levels, inequality, education, the concentration and effectiveness of the banking sector, internet and mobile access, and the rule of law cannot account for the lower level of financial inclusion in LAC compared with other countries. But case studies suggest that high barriers to entry in the financial and fintech sectors and a constraining regulatory environment may constitute significant obstacles to greater fintech development and in turn to financial inclusion.

Recent regulatory reforms, supported by the adoption in most countries of financial inclusion strategies and discussions of new fintech strategies, should underpin the growth of the fintech sector in LAC and help boost financial inclusion. The COVID-19 pandemic led to an increase in the use of digital payments, in several cases helped by new government cash transfer programs distributed through digital wallets or mobile phones. These improvements, along with the positive effects of the latest governments’ efforts, should be reflected in the 2021 Findex survey.

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Appendix 1 – Data Sources

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Appendix 2 – Detailed Case Studies

Argentina15

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Brazil21

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Chile30

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Colombia47

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Dominican Republic62

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Honduras73

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Mexico82

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2

In general, financial inclusion is taken to mean that “individuals and businesses have access to useful and affordable financial products and services that meet their needs––transactions, payments, savings, credit and insurance – delivered in a responsible and sustainable way.” (World Bank, no date). For the purpose of our analysis we define financial inclusion as “the access to and use of formal financial services by households and firms.” (Sahay et. al., 2015). This paper focuses on financial inclusion of households.

3

Fintech is defined as a wave of technological innovation in the financial sector that “leverages the explosion of big data on individuals and firms, advances in artificial intelligence, computing power, cryptography, and the reach of the internet” (He et. al., 2017).

4

Jagtiani and Lemieux (2017) report similar results for the United States based on the data from LendingClub, a peer -to-peer lender.

5

Bazarbash (2019) and Philippon (2019) argue that although machine learning can enhance financial inclusion by leveraging nontraditional data sources, it remains vulnerable to the problems of discrimination and information asymmetry.

6

CCAF, World Bank and World Economic Forum (2020) notes that “FinTech markets in EMDEs and in jurisdictions with more stringent COVID-19 lockdown measures appear to be growing more in comparison with those in AEs and lower stringency jurisdictions”, but cautions that performance has been highly heterogenous and that many fintech firm s would benefit from additional government assistance and regulatory support.

7

The sub-index measuring the use of financial services by households includes the percentage of adults older than 15 having an account at a financial institution, the percentage of adults older than 15 who report having a debit card, the percentage of adults older than 15 who report having a credit card, the percentage of adults older than 15 who borrowed from a financial institution in the past 12 months, and the percentage of adults older than 15 who saved at a financial institution in the past 12 months. The percentage of adults older than 15 with a financial account for which an ATM is the main mode of money withdrawal is not available for year 2017, so we dropped it from the sub-index. Access to financial institutions includes the number of ATMs per 1,000 square km and 100,000 adults, and the number of branches of financial institutions by 1,000 square km and 100,000 adults.

8

Dabla-Norris et al. (2015a) report exploring different aggregation methods, including weights derived from a principal component analysis before settling for a simple arithmetic average.

9

The index is composed of four subindices with different weights: 1) index of traditional access (25 percent weight): number of ATMs and branches per 100,000 adults; 2) index of traditional usage (25 percent weight): percentage of adults with an account, percentage of adults who saved at a financial institution in the past year, percentage of adults who own a debit card, percentage of adults who receive wages through a financial institution account, percentage of adults who use a financial institution account to make utility payments; 3) index of fintech access (37.5 percent weight): mobile subscriptions per 100 people, percentage of population with internet access, number of registered mobile money agents per 100,000 adults; 4) index of fintech usage (12.5 percent weight): percentage of adults with a mobile account, percentage of adults who use internet to make payments, percentage of adults who use a mobile phone to receive salary or wages, percentage of adults who use a mobile phone to make utility payments. Note that the indices from Dabla-Norris et al. (2015a) and Sahay et al. 2020 are not directly comparable because they combine different variables, but also because the sample of countries covered is not the same.

10

Mexico is included in the South America region, since its economy shares more characteristics with large South American countries than with the relatively small Central American countries.

11

The ga p for account holding between poor adults and the overall population amounts to 12.5 percentage points in LAC, versus 9.9 in Europe and 9.4 in the Middle East and Central Asia. For the use of digital payments, the gap is of 11.7 percentage points in LAC, 10.4 in Europe, 8.9 in Asia, and 8 in the Middle East and Central Asia.

12

Defined as adults having completed primary education only.

13

Such as the share of adults making transactions over the internet and the fraction of people using digital payments a nd receiving wages or government payments on a financial account or a debit card.

14

This initiative builds on earlier efforts to enhance the financial inclusion of Honduran women, such as the 2015 Law on the National Solidarity Credit Pro gram for Rural Women, which established credit programs that guarantee low interest rates, favorable repayment periods, and other conditions that facilitate women’s access to credit; put in place technical assistance programs that improve women’s business management skills and knowledge of new technologies; established a support and research network to strengthen a culture of entrepreneurship and innovation amongst women; and improved coordination mechanisms with other government agencies, NGOs, and private institutions to support these efforts.

15

Prepared by staff members of the following BCRA units : Financial Inclusion Senior Management, Financial Development Management, Financial Education Management, Financial Innovation Deputy Management, and Analysis and Research on Financial Inclusion Deputy Management.

16

ONFCP are companies other than financial institutions that regularly grant financing to natural or legal persons, as a core or subsidiary activity, for purchases of goods and/or services, or for other unspecified purposes.

17

In 2020, e-commerce billing grew by 124%, purchase orders by 84% and the number of purchasers increased by 1 million against 2019. Source: yearly research on e-commerce by Cámara Argentina de Comercio Electrónico (Argentine Chamber of Electronic Trade) Statistics and Summary.

18

The term “remote payments” comprises digital (not face-to-face) payments on cards and electronic transfers.

19

INDEC. Access and use of IT and communication technologies. Permanent Household Survey (EPH). Fourth quarter 2019.

20

Financial Inclusion Report (second semester of 2019).

21

Prepared by Antonio Marcos Fonte Guimaraes, (Head of Division at Financial System Regulation Department – Denor at Central Bank of Brazil – BCB); Matheus Rauber Coradin (Coordinator at Denor at BCB); Luís Fernando Brands Barbosa (Analyst at Denor at BCB); Arnaldo Francisco Vitaliano Filho (Head of Division at Department for Promotion of Financial Citizenship – Depef at BCB); Lucas Iten Teixeira (Coordinator at Depef at BCB) and Natalia Nogueira Lima Falcão (Analyst at Depef at BCB).

22

Financial citizenship is the exercise of rights and duties that allows a citizen to manage his or her financial resources, in a context structured for the wellbeing of individuals and the financial stability of the country. The development of financial citizenship occurs by means of financial inclusion, financial education, protection for the consumer of financial services, and participation in the dialog about the financial system.

23

Law no. 12,414, of 2011, modified by Complementary Law no. 166, of 2019; Law no. 13,636, of 2018, modified by Law no. 13.999, of 2020; Law no. 13,709, of 2018; Law no. 13,775, of 2018; and Law no. 13,986, of 2020.

24

Under an “opt-in” system, consumers need to give an explicit consent to be included in the database. In contrast, under an “opt-out” system, consumers are included automatically, but they have the right to opt out, should they so choose.

25

The CMN is in charge of formulating monetary and credit policies, with the objective to preserve monetary stability and to promote economic and social development of the country. It holds meetings at least once a month and is chaired by the Minister of Economy, with the BCB serving as the permanent secretariat. See https://www.bcb.gov.br/en/about/cmnen.

26

The term “segregated rural property” denotes a class of assets that, once used as collateral, cannot be claimed by any other creditor.

27

The original three types of payment institutions were: (i) electronic money issuer; (ii) post-paid payment instrument (credit card) issuer; and (iii) acquirer. Recently, as a part of the Open Banking Initiative (OBI) the BCB introduced a fourth type: the payment transaction initiator. The OBI allows the sharing of data and services among financial institutions, payment institutions and other institutions licensed by the BCB — through the opening and integration of systems, in a safe, swift and convenient environment. More details on OBI are available at https://www.bcb.gov.br/en/pressdetail/2330/nota.

28

The SCD is the financial institution responsible for carrying out operations of loan, financing, and acquisition of credit rights. It operates with its own capital. In contrast, the SEP is the financial institu tion responsible for carrying out financial intermediation operations (the peer-to-peer loan and financing operations) in which funds collected from creditors are directed to debtors, after negotiation on an electronic platform.

29

Considering fintech companies operating within the regulatory scope of the National Monetary Council (CMN) or the BCB.

30

Prepared by Manuel Galilea, Economist, Central Bank of Chile, with inputs from Gabriel Aparici, and Pablo Furche.

32

See for example Cowan et al (2015) or de La Torre et al (2016).

34

For more details on the proposal, please refer to the White Paper for the crowdfunding regulation in Chile (in Spanish): https://www.cmfchile.cl/portal/principal/605/w3-article-25860.html

35

Open Banking (or open bank data) refers to a financial architecture that allows institutions to share registration and transaction data between banks and nonbank financial institutions through the use of application programming interfaces (APIs).

36

For more details on these initiatives please refer to Box V.1 of the Financial Stability Report of the first semester of 2021 . https://www.bcentral.cl/documents/33528/2967220/recV1_nuevos_desarrollos.pdf/8cd37307–0c4f-a149-d85b-b66c6b86dfff?t=1620184196480 (available only in Spanish).

37

Other relevant figures for financial inclusion in Chile can be found in: Informe de Inclusión Financiera 2019 – SBIF, available in Spanish: http://www.cmfchile.cl/portal/publicaciones/610/articles-38692_doc_pdf.pdf

38

Payment initiation service providers are companies that, with the consent of their customers, initiate Fund Transfer Orders from the customer’s account in a bank or another financial institution to another account. These providers are typically regulated by Open Banking Frameworks, that among other things, regulate the interconnection between the banking system and these providers. These frameworks also typically require that banks and other account providers have access points available for regulated payment initiation service providers. Unregulated payment initiation services can also function using screen scrapping techniques.

39

Sub-acquirers, similarly to acquirers, are institutions that transfer funds from card transactions to merchants. However, instead of participating in a four-party or three-party model, the sub acquirers enter into a contract with an established acquirer, so the payment flow goes from the issuer to the acquirer, then from the acquirer to the sub-acquirer and finally from the sub-acquirer to the merchant. Sub-acquirers typically argue that they serve merchants that are not “reachable” by acquirers.

40

For a description and results of these policies please refer to: Fernando Barraza – Influencia de la facturación electrónica en el desa rrollo del factoring, available in Spanish: https://www.ciat.org/Biblioteca/Estudios/2018_FE/cap2–4_Chile.pdf

41

For recent statistics on the use of retail payments in Chile please refer to the chapter 6 of the Financial Stability Report for the Second Half of 2020, available in Spanish: https://www.bcentral.cl/web/banco-central/contenido/-/detalle/informe-de-estabilidad-financiera-segundo-semestre-2020

43

According to the Fintech Radar prepared by Finnovista, the ecosystem grew by 49% from 2018 to the second semester of 2019: https://www.finnovista.com/radar/el-ecosistema-fintech-en-chile-crece-un-49-en-los-ultimos-18-meses/

44

The fintech study done by EY containing a survey of fintech participants in Chile and identifies different areas of improvement: https://americas.ey-vx.com/935/16626/landing-pages/formulario-descarga-fintech.asp?sid=6eef8db6-e186–49c4–8a6d-07a6a5eeb4cf

45

The Box VI.2 of the Financial Stability Report of the Second Half of 2018 refers to these effects. Available at https://www.bcentral.cl/documents/33528/0/fsr_2018_2.pdf/8f165c8b-90e0–0325-106c-3cf783c91522?t=1588200995897

46

A three-party model is one where Transbank, a joint venture among main banks, operated as their joint service provider and as the acquirer of the transaction representing the issuer. This model implied that every entrant in the issuing side of the market had to operate with Transbank, which severely restricted the entrance of new acquirers; a four-party model is one where the card acquirer and the card issuer both sign a contract with a card brand (like MasterCard or Visa) and operate as independent entities.

47

Prepared by Freddy Castro, Director, and Michael Bryan, Senior Professional, Banca de las Oportunidades.

48

The 2020 Financial Literacy and Inclusion Policy (CONPES No. 4005) was designed by the National Planning Department and approved by the Council for Economic and Social Policy (CONPES), the highest national planning authority which serves as an advisory body to the Government on the country’s economic and social development issues. CONPES coordinates and provides guidelines to the Government agencies in charge of the economic and social agenda.

49

In Colombia, anyone who carries out commercial activities must undergo a commercial registration. This registration can be made in the form of a natural or a legal person. The former applies to an individual applicant, who acquires the quality of a merchant to engage in a professional commercial activity. The latter implies the creation of an entity distinct from the individuals that make it up. Only natural persons can open electronic deposits, simplified savings accounts and electronic savings accounts.

50

CONPES 4005 will unify the Intersectoral Committee for Financial Inclusion and Intersectoral Committee for Economic and Financial Education into a single body.

51

The regulation of banking agents was incorporated into Decree 2555. Initially, users could use banking agents to make payments, transfers, deposits, withdrawals, disbursements of credits, and balance inquiries. Over time, the number of services that banking agents could offer has expanded. For instance, in 2009, Decree 1121 authorized them to open savings accounts, and in 2015, Decree 1491 allowed them to open electronic deposit accounts through simplified procedures on behalf of financial institutions.

52

In addition to traditional judicial enforcement mechanisms, the Secured Transactions Law creates two additional systems to facilitate the enforcement of security interests over movable property, namely: (i) Direct payment, which allows the lender to sell the collateral following a default. This was not possible before the Law was enacted, and it is considered an innovation in the Colombian civil law tradition. This mechanism is only possible when the parties had agreed so or when the secured lender is in possession of the collateral; and (ii) Special enforcement, where the parties are free to establish their own rules for the disposition of the movable property in their contract. Only public notaries and chambers of commerce are authorized to carry out the special enforcement procedure. It is important to note that neither of these entities are judicial bodies.

53

CCBMs are consumer loans with the following characteristics:

  • - CCBMs are extended to individuals who have not previously held any credit product in the financial system;

  • - The maximum loan amount is four times the monthly minimum wage (regardless of income). The Financial Superintendence of Colombia may increase this amount to up to eight minimum wages;

  • - CCBMs may be a revolving line of credit and cannot be provided through credit card systems;

  • - CCBMs’ loan loss provision regime is that of consumer loans, but with an independent interest rate certification process (i.e., the maximum interest rate that can be charged is different from that of consumer loans);

  • - Financial institutions that offer CCBMs may establish origination processes that differ from traditional methodologies.

54

The National Government collects two types of data on access and usage of financial services. The first one comes from reports made directly by supervised financial institutions, either to credit bureaus or the Financial Superintendence. As a result, they correspond to actual market figures. The second type arises from surveys conducted among individuals under a randomized setting. As opposed to the first category, they represent perceptions. The indicators reported in this section are constructed using data from the financial obligations registry of TransUnion, one of the two credit bureaus operating in Colombia.

55

Open banking refers to an open financial architecture: a model where consumers authorize their financial and transactional information (resting within financial institutions) to be consulted and used by third parties in order to facilitate the development of new services. In Colombia, the Financial Regulation Unit (URF) will seek to adopt a voluntary open banking scheme, with a public-private discussion agenda to be implemented in 2021. The objective is to generate inputs for the definition of the regulatory framework required for sharing financial information securely. As a starting point, the URF has circulated a technical document containing guidelines for this debate, aiming to solicit comments and proposals from the industry and the general public.

56

Note that the Global Findex database is fed by surveys. Its data cannot be compared with data from reports that financial institutions make to credit bureaus or the Financial Superintendence, which is used throughout the document to specifically describe the Colombian financial inclusion state. The Global Findex database, however, is a robust comparison tool across countries.

57

In 2019, the IMF published the results of the tenth Financial Access Survey, with data from 2018. Th e survey covers 189 countries and collects annual time series data on access to and use of basic financial services around the world.

58

The Global Microscope assesses the enabling environment for financial inclusion across five categories in 55 (primarily) emerging countries. Particularly, it assesses the enabling environment for financial inclusion in terms of (i) Government and policy support, (ii) Stability and integrity of regulation, (iii) Products and outlets regulation, (iv) Consumer protection, and (v) Infrastructure. The most recent report focuses on the role that financial inclusion has played in the COVID-19 crisis response, and on the policies that have made financial systems more resilient and inclusive.

59

The 2020 Latin American Fintech Report is one of the most recent documents containing data pertaining the evolution o f fintech ecosystem at a regional level.

60

There are currently two credit bureaus operating in Colombia: DataCrédito Experian and TransUnion.

61

Number of adults with at least one credit or deposit product as a share of the adult population, obtained from the financial obligations registry of TransUnion.

62

Prepared by Ángel Antonio González Tejeda, Yilmary Dorali Rosario Fernández and Carlos Alberto Delgado Urbáez.

63

The Law for Secured Transactions was approved by Congress and promulgated by the President. The Law will enter into force at the end of 2020 and will become fully operational with the Secured Transactions Registry. Also, the Law of Reciprocal Guarantees was approved by the Monetary Board and awaits congressional approval.

64

A recent overhaul of these regulations was approved by the Monetary Board on January 25 th, 2021.

65

Approved by the Monetary Board.

66

Factoring is otherwise known as Receivables Factoring. Factoring is the financial transaction in which receivables (invoices) are bought by a third party at a discount price. This provides liquidity to the invoice holder and a form of retur n to the invoice buyer. The Factoring Law is the legal body through which this transaction would be regulated to establish the proper tax treatment, the validity of invoices, and their inscription in the Secured Transactions Registry.

67

Specifically, these metrics are: percentage of adults with a financial product; percentage of adults with a savings acco unt; share of population using financial products; share of population for potential inclusion in financial services; share of fragile financial services users (those that are close to cancelling their financial services). Growth in credit provision and nu mber of bank accounts are not part of the formally adopted metrics but are also considered to gauge the impact of the Financial Inclusion Strategy.

69

tPago is a mobile payments platform, managed by GCS Systems, which integrates 10 financial intermediation entities, 7 telecommunications companies, 19 service companies (utilities, education, insurance, etc.) and 2 acquisition companies. It currently has more than 1 million users. This platform, enabled via cell phone, uses the USSD channel, which does not consume minutes or internet, and for which the customer or user must only have a device with GSM technology. Through this payment solution users can transfer funds, make payments at points of sale, pay bills, make donations and withdrawals, 365 days a year, 24 hours a day. It is available to clients of financial intermediation entities affiliated with the tPago mobile payment system, linking it to bank accounts or credit cards. It is important to highlight that the transactions made through tPago are performed in real time, since the credit is immediate in the beneficiary’s account, once the operation is accepted by GCS Systems, as a result of an agreement that exists between the latter with the banking agents. The clearing is carried out once a day, the net results of which are settled in the accounts of said entities in the Real Time Gross Settlement System of the Central Bank.

70

The Dominican authorities support a financial inclusion strategy that permeates the entire financial ecosystem. As a first step, Banking Subagents Regulation was adopted by the Monetary Board to allow subagents to perform basic operations under the auspices of a regulated financial institution. That regulation cannot reach other financial-sector agent because the regulatory scope of the Monetary Board is limited to financial intermediaries, and not because the authorities limit their model of financial inclusion to banks alone.

71

In the short term, the approval of the Payment Systems Regulation would be the key regulatory enhancement for the fintech ecosystem. The expectation is that a solid legal foundation would promote fintech activity in the payment field. In turn, a higher number of fintech participants in the payments services industry, alongside the incumbent financial institutions, should spur competition in this segment, particularly in the form of digital payments, leading to lower costs and more consumer-oriented products. All this should promote the adoption of financial products and increased financial welfare, resulting in higher financial inclusion.

72

Those are the households living on monthly wages equivalent to or below the minimum wage.

73

Prepared by the Financial Innovation and Technology Committee of CBH coordinated by Silvia Irina López Bardales and Angel Alberto Arita Orellana; and the Fintech and Innovation Technologies Committee which is coordinated by Dustin Uriel Santos Barahona at Comisión Nacional de Bancos y Seguros (CNBS).

74

The Real Time Gross Settlement System (LBTR) is the system implemented by the Central Bank of Honduras for the settlement of high value payments, that is, interbank operations and transfers of funds on behalf of third parties greater th an US$20,000 or its equivalent in national currency; government securities market operations, as well as the settlement of operations that are processed and cleared in other payment systems such as the Electronic Check Clearing House and the ACH. This system is administered by the Central Bank of Honduras (BCH). The low-cost policy in the LBTR system implies that the charges for services do not cover all the costs associated with its operation and maintenance.

75

Private Financial Development Organizations (OPDFs) are dedicated to financing micro and small businesses, in order to guarantee the legality, transparency and security of their operations and strengthen their viability and sustainability. To date, only five OPDFs operate in the country with 1,089 service points, which registered US$182.6 million in assets at the end of 2020.

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Service points of various financial entities include their main offices, branches, agencies, windows, ATMs, correspondent agents as well as autobanks, authorized distributors and other customer service offices.

82

Prepared by Unidad de Banca, Valores y Ahorro (SHCP), Comisión Nacional Bancaria y de Valores, and Banco de México.

83

The Council members are: The Minister of Finance, the Deputy-Minister of Finance, the President of the National Commission to Protect the Users of Financial Services, the President of the National Banking and Securities Commission, the President of the National Retirement Savings System Commission, the Executive Secretary of the Institute to protect Banking Savings, the Governor of Bank of Mexico and one of his/her Deputy Governors, whom the Governor designs.

85

The Law to Regulate Financial Technology Institutions sets the basis for the creation of an innovation hub called “Financial Innovation Group”, which aims to establish a space for the exchange of opinions, ideas, and knowledge between the public and the private sectors to learn about innovations in financial technology and plan their development and orderly regulation. The financial authorities that participate in this group are the Ministry of Finance (SHCP), the Bank of Mexico (BANXICO), the National Commission for the Protection and Defense of Users of Financial Services (CONDUSEF), as well as other supervisory commissions responsible for oversight of the banking and securities (CNBV), pension funds (CONSAR), and insurance and sureties (CNSF) sectors. The SHCP chairs the Group and selects and invites representatives of fintech firms and other financial entities from the private sector. The Financial Innovation Group must meet at least once a year, and extraordinary meetings may be called as required; however, fintech firms can approach financial authorities at any point to propose ideas and communicate their concerns.

86

The Federal Executive presented this initiative on January 16, 2019 before the Permanent Commission of the Congress of the Union. As a result of the legislative process, the Decree that amended the Credit Institutions Law and the Federal Civil Code, by which adolescents between the age of 15 and 18 may open bank accounts and make use of the funds deposited in these accounts, without the intervention of their parents or guardians, under certain requirements regarding the prevention of money laundering and terrorist financing (client identification and origin of the resources), was published on March 27, 2020. On June 9, 2020, two Resolutions were published in the Official Gazette. The first one issued by the Ministry of Finance and Public Credit amended article 115 of the Credit Institutions Law. The second issued by the National Banking and Securities Commission (CNBV) modified the general provisions applicable to credit institutions. Both regulate the implementation of the legal reform that allows the opening of deposit accounts by adolescents aged 15 years and above in their own right.

87

The decree reforming the first paragraph of Article 40 and adding a second paragraph to Article 44 Bis 4 of the Credit Institutions Law was published in the Official Gazette of the Federation on June 4, 2019.

88

These include: (1) “Disposiciones de Carácter General a que se refiere el artículo 58 de la Ley para regular las Instituciones de Tecnología Financiera” (10 September, 2018); (2) “Disposiciones de carácter general aplicables a modelos novedosos a que hace referencia la Ley para Regular las Instituciones de Tecnología Financiera” (11 March, 2019); (3)”Disposiciones de Carácter General aplicables a las Instituciones de Tecnología Financiera” (10 September, 2018); (4) “Disposiciones de Carácter General relativas a las sociedades autorizadas para operar Modelos Novedosos a que hace referencia la Ley para Regular las Instituciones de Tecnología Financiera” (19 March, 2019); (5)”Disposiciones de Carácter General relativas a las interfaces de programación de aplicaciones informáticas estandarizadas a que hace referencia la Ley para regular las Instituciones de Tecnología Financiera” (4 June, 2020); (6)Circular 12/2018 dirigida a las Instituciones de Fondos de Pago Electrónico, relativa a las disposiciones de carácter general aplicables a las operaciones de las Institucione s de Fondos de Pago Electrónico” (10 September, 2018); (7) “Circular 4/2019 dirigida a las Instituciones de Crédito e Instituciones de Tecnología Financiera relativa a las Disposiciones de carácter general aplicables a las Instituciones de Crédito e Instituciones de Tecnología Financiera en las Operaciones que realicen con Activos Virtuales” (8 March, 2019); (8) “Circular 5/2019 dirigida a las Personas Morales constituidas de conformidad con la Legislación Mercantil Mexicana, distintas a las Instituciones de Tecnología Financiera, a las Entidades Financieras y a otros sujetos supervisados por alguna Comisión Supervisora o por el Banco de México, interesadas en obtener autorización por parte del Banco de México para, mediante modelos novedosos, llevar a cabo los servicios de ruteo, compensación o liquidación, o cualquier combinación de tales servicios, relativa a las Disposiciones de carácter general en materia de modelos novedosos” (8 March, 2019); (9) “Circular 6/2019 dirigida a las Instituciones de Financiamiento Colectivo relativa a las disposiciones de carácter general aplicables a las Instituciones de Financiamiento Colectivo en las operaciones que realicen en moneda extranjera y los reportes de información al Banco de México” (8 March, 2019); (10) “Circular 2/2020 dirigida a las Sociedades de Información Crediticia y Cámaras de Compensación, relativa a las disposiciones de carácter general a que se refiere el artículo 76 de la Ley para Regular las Instituciones de Tecnología Financiera, aplicables a las sociedades de información crediticia y cámaras de compensación en materia de interfaces de programación de aplicaciones informáticas estandarizadas” (10 March, 2020); (11) “Acuerdo por el que se reforman, adicionan y derogan diversas Disposiciones de Carácter General de la CONDUSEF” (11 December, 2018); (12) “Disposiciones de Carácter General de la CONDUSEF en materia de transparencia y sanas prácticas aplicables a las Instituciones de Tecnología Financiera” (9 July, 2019); (13) “Disposiciones de carácter general relativas a las sociedades autorizadas para operar modelos novedosos a que hace referencia la Ley para Regular las Instituciones de Tecnología Financiera” (CONSAR) (8 March, 2019); (14) “Circular Modificatoria 5/19 de la Única de Seguros y Fianzas” (26 March, 2019). ); “Disposiciones aplicables a las instituciones de fondos de pago electrónico a que se refieren los artículos 48, segundo párrafo; 54, primer párrafo, y 56, primer y segundo párrafos de la Ley para Regular las Instituciones de Tecnología Financiera” (28 January, 2021).

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On March 16, 2021, the first crowdfunding institution authorization was granted to “Fundary, S.A.P.I. de C.V., Institución de Financiamiento Colectivo”.

90

On January 22, 2020, the first E-money institution authorization was granted to “NVIO Pagos México, S.A.P.I. de C.V., Institución de Fondos de Pago Electrónico”. On March 18, 2021, two more E-money institutions were authorized: “Trafalgar Digital, S.A. de C.V., Institución de Fondos de Pago Electrónico” and “BRX Payments, S.A. de C.V., Institución de Fondos de Pago Electrónico”

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However, Banxico has not authorized any VA yet due to their inherent risk for the Mexican financial system. On the other hand, the Federal Law for the Prevention and Identification of Transactions with Resources of Illicit Origin (AML Law) establishes the possibility for Service Providers related to Virtual Assets (VASPs) to sell and purchase VAs as intermediaries that can operate without authorization from Banxico, being considered as Designated Non -Financial Businesses and Professions (DNFBPs) in terms of the AML Law and the FATF Recommendations. The importance of this separation lies in the fact that it is determined that in the case of VASPs, since they are not financial entities, their registration, operation, and supervision rules are under the purview of the Tax Administration Service (SAT).

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Fintech and Financial Inclusion in Latin America and the Caribbean
Author:
Mr. Dmitry Gershenson
,
Frederic Lambert
,
Luis Herrera
,
Grey Ramos
,
Mrs. Marina V Rousset
, and
Mr. Jose L. Torres