Despite Asia’s progress over the past several decades in closing gender gaps in education, health, economic, and political outcomes, women and girls continue to encounter barriers relative to men. Gender gaps also continue in labor force participation, political representation, and health outcomes.1 To address these gender gaps, countries have implemented gender budgeting, which originated in Australia in the early 1980s and has since spread to more than 80 countries around the world.
Gender budgeting has attracted considerable attention in Europe over the past few decades. A burgeoning momentum during the early 2000s saw a full range of stakeholders promote a broad swath of activities under the rubric of gender budgeting. At that time, there was an expectation that gender budgeting would “liberate” and “elevate” gender, and gender mainstreaming, to the level of macro-economic policy and thus expedite the realization of oft-projected gender equality goals (Holvoet 2006). In return, advocates offered that gender budgeting would contribute to the goals of efficiency, economy, and effectiveness (Sharp 2003).